2026年4月，一只乌鸦栖息在特拉维夫海岸线一处空旷海滩旁的以色列国旗上。摄影：Ahmad Gharabli/AFP/Getty Images
2026年4月，一只乌鸦栖息在特拉维夫海岸线一处空旷海滩旁的以色列国旗上。摄影：Ahmad Gharabli/AFP/Getty Images
以色列设立并资助的虚假美国智库试图操纵AI进行宣传
《卫报》分析显示，为让聊天机器人倾向于亲以色列论点，该网站九天之内发布了124篇报告，总字数超过56万
一个打着并不存在的智库名号的亲以色列宣传网站，在九天之内发布了超过五十万字的内容，其搭建在一个承诺优化内容以使AI聊天机器人引用的商业平台之上。
该网站就以色列的立场发表观点，涉及巴勒斯坦囚犯遭受酷刑、以色列的战争罪行，以及以色列是否蓄意让加沙的巴勒斯坦人挨饿等议题，全部以中立研究的面貌呈现。
纽约媒体制作公司Piro Inc本月依据《外国代理人登记法》（Fara）向美国司法部提交了该网站的备案。该法于1938年颁布，要求任何为外国政府工作的人必须正式披露其身份，而该网站正是该公司为以色列政府分发的内容。
该网站以“汉诺威公共政策研究所”的名义发布内容，但该机构在任何司法管辖区显然都不存在法人实体，没有实体地址，也没有具名的工作人员，其所有报告均无署名。其自身的使用条款受“该研究所设立所在州”的法律管辖，但条款拒绝说明是哪个州。
该网站的存在最早于8月14日被报道。此后，该研究所新增了一个名为“资金”的页面，其中写道：“本页面的早期版本称该研究所无外部资金运营，这在其撰写之时是属实的。”
该网站是一项更广泛行动的一部分，该行动由以色列政府提供数千万美元资金，并通过包括欧洲广告集团汉威士媒体（Havas Media）在内的第三方渠道运作，目的是给聊天机器人“喂料”，让它们替以色列说话。汉威士与参与该行动的另一家美国公司签订的合同承诺，“部署网站和内容，以在 GPT 对话中实现 GPT 框架化结果”。
《卫报》联系了 Piro Inc、汉威士媒体以及以色列政府广告机构 LaPam 寻求置评。此外，还通过汉诺威研究所网站上公布的联系邮箱寻求评论。
此事发生之际，以色列在美国公众舆论中的地位已经崩塌，以色列官员也开始向媒体吹风称，花在所谓海外公共外交“Hasbara”行动上的钱已经打了水漂。
该网站
根据《卫报》的分析，8 月 6 日至 14 日期间，汉诺威研究所发布了 124 篇报告，总字数超过 56 万，平均每篇约 4500 字。仅 8 月 12 日和 13 日两天，它就产出了 73 篇报告，两天内合计近 35.4 万字。自有关汉诺威研究所的首批报道出现以来，该网站再无任何新内容发布。
该网站 124 个标题中，除一个外，其余全部以类似用户可能输入聊天机器人的问题开头，包括“反犹太复国主义是反犹主义吗？”、“以色列是否将巴勒斯坦人驱逐出他们的土地？”、“以色列是否在加沙实施种族灭绝？”
这些报告以准学术的方式呈现，引用极为严谨，资料来源包括世界银行、联合国机构、巴勒斯坦中央统计局、大赦国际以及《种族灭绝公约》文本。
昆西研究所研究员尼克·克利夫兰-斯托特曾报道过该网站，他告诉《卫报》，他的第一印象是这东西挺唬人。“它成功伪装得非常学术——网站设计、标志、一切都看起来很专业。但你读得越多，就越能意识到其中很多内容根本说不通。”
例如，汉诺威研究所网站所呈现的信息始终以淡化对以色列批评的方式构建。在人权组织认定以色列正在实施种族灭绝或种族隔离之处，这些报告总是谨慎地指出，尚无任何法院对此指控作出裁决——据《卫报》统计，这一表述出现在124份报告中的20份里。
伤亡和援助数据被标注为“来自事件相关方”，这一免责说明出现在55份报告中，且同样适用于以色列自己的统计数字和巴勒斯坦方面的数字。读者由此得到的印象是，关于加沙的几乎任何事情都无法确证。
其中一项研究——2022年对英国、法国和德国媒体Facebook页面上反犹评论的分析——在124份报告中的88份里被引用了454次，包括在看似无关的主题页面中，如被占领土的土地登记、Aipac对美国媒体报道的影响、加沙死亡人数、1948年驱逐事件以及加沙封锁等。
Cleveland-Stout 指出了这种纳入做法的累积效应。“几乎每篇文章的结尾都会说，好吧，仅仅谈论这件事就可能助长反犹主义，”他说，“然后就会抛出那项关于英国Facebook评论的研究。”
为机器而建
《卫报》的分析发现，该网站最初带有一种文件，用于告知AI系统网站包含什么内容以及如何读取（即llms.txt文件），但该文件完全没有描述汉诺威研究所。这是Res的标准文件，Res是一个“AI原生内容平台，帮助B2B（企业对企业）团队被ChatGPT、Perplexity、Claude和Gemini引用”，该平台销售业界所称的生成式引擎优化服务。
《卫报》于8月13日存档了该文件。此后，该文件已被替换为专为机器读者编写的定制版本，且Res的名字已不再出现在网站的任何位置。
Res的创始人Hai Tran于7月22日在美国司法部注册为Piro在以色列项目上的分包商，其职位为“数字策略师”。Tran告诉Politico，他的角色已在那份申报文件中披露。
《卫报》联系了Res寻求评论。
Piro 自己的网站宣传一项名为“AI 故事优化”的服务，声称将“创作针对大语言模型如何评估可信度而设计的内容”，并“发布在你的网站上，或我们搭建的受信任第三方资产上”。
Cleveland-Stout 表示，更重要的目标不是用户通过实时搜索到达该网站的可能性，而是训练数据。“大概有两种做法，”他说。第一种是发布网站，希望聊天机器人引用它们。第二种，“更令人担忧、也可能更有效的方式”，是把材料送进 Common Crawl 等为商业模型提供底层训练数据的存储库。
“当它复述聊天机器人训练时吸收的叙事时，它甚至不会引用来源，”他说。“你根本无法核实事实。”
较早的那个网络已经走完了这条路。由前特朗普竞选经理兼数字总监 Brad Parscale 运营的 Clock Tower X 公司旗下的七个网站，在 Common Crawl 的 7 月索引中出现了 294 次——该存储库为商业 AI 开发者提供训练数据。Hanover Institute 尚未出现在其中，因为其报告是在那次抓取结束后才发布的。它正处于同一条管线的起点。
Hanover 网站的每一页底部都带有外国代理人披露声明。Cleveland-Stout 把这一点抛给 Perplexity，他说对方告诉他，用户可以自行访问网站并判断其可信度。“但有多少人会这么做呢？”他说。
不过，《卫报》在报道时对聊天机器人进行的测试显示，对 Hanover Institute 产出的审视已经在聊天机器人的内容上留下了印记。
当被问及 Hanover Institute 发布的新研究时，ChatGPT 的网络聊天机器人提供了四份报告的链接，但也警告称该机构“因其资金来源和存在原因而面临重大争议”，并附上了 Quincy Institute 报道的概述和链接。
链条
根据 Fara 的申报文件，Piro 通过两份工作订单获得了 100 万美元的合同，但这一金额与其所属的更广泛活动的支出相比，相形见绌。
Piro 和 Clock Tower X 都是 Havas Media Germany GmbH 的分包商，后者是一家法兰克福公司，通过 Havas 的西班牙分支持有，最终归属于在阿姆斯特丹上市的 Havas NV。
Havas 被列为五家美国公司的外国代理人登记中的中介机构，这五家公司分别是：Clock Tower X、Piro、Targeted Communications Global、Bridges Partners 和 Davis Media NY。司法部文件记录显示，Havas 在 2025 年 10 月 24 日至 2026 年 3 月 3 日期间分六期向 Clock Tower X 支付了 1500 万美元，并在 2025 年 10 月至 12 月期间向 Targeted Communications Global 支付了 9,892,335 美元。
根据文件记录，在首笔付款七天后，即 2025 年 10 月 31 日，Havas 自己的美国子公司终止了其作为以色列政府代理人的登记。在持有该登记期间，它有义务逐项列明所收到的款项：其在 2023 年 10 月 31 日之前六个月的申报文件显示，其德国姊妹公司通过以色列账户向其支付了 2,951,745 美元。一旦德国实体开始直接向美国承包商付款，Havas 就不再披露任何信息，因为外国委托方没有申报义务。
实际上，这意味着更广泛的行动不会立即在公开记录中显现，只有各承包商零散的申报文件可见。
在以色列，采购记录显示政府广告机构 LaPam 在未经竞争性招标的情况下将合同授予 Havas 实体：2019 年全年分别为 3900 万美元（3350 万欧元）、2900 万美元（2500 万欧元）和 1750 万美元（1500 万欧元），以及 2023 年 3 月一笔 5830 万美元（5000 万欧元）的海外媒体策划与采购合同。该合同于 2024 年 3 月 15 日到期。对 LaPam 截至 2026 年 8 月 5 日已公布记录及招标登记册的检索未发现任何进一步授予 Havas 的合同——没有任何一项涵盖 Havas 向美国公司支付 2490 万美元的期间。
这些资金并非完全用于培育聊天机器人。Targeted Communications Global 的申报文件披露了一项名为“Freedom Not Terror”的社交媒体活动，其 30 秒视频于 2025 年 10 月以非公开链接形式发布在 YouTube 上，已被观看 2810 万次。其 TikTok 账号有 425 名粉丝。该活动网站带有“由 LAPAM 付费”的字样。自 2025 年 12 月以来，该网站未再发布任何内容。
《卫报》联系了 Targeted Communications Global 寻求置评。
所有失败者的避难所
在以色列，官员们对这场利用人工智能操纵美国公众舆论的行动以及总体上的公共外交表达了疑虑。7 月，以色列官员向 Ynet 简报称该行动已失败，其中一位官员表示，政府“花了很多钱，但情况反而更糟了”。
以色列公共外交机构的一位前高级官员对同一家媒体表示，这是“一场堪比波拉德事件的巨大骗局”——这里指的是乔纳森·波拉德，这位美国分析员因在 1987 年为以色列从事间谍活动而入狱，这一事件标志着以色列与美国关系的低谷。
另一位官员在 Kan 电台谈到帕斯卡尔时表示：“他本应改善局势。我们付了他很多钱。但他拿这些钱做了什么？”外交部长吉迪恩·萨尔在上任时已为国际公共外交拨款 1.816 亿美元（5.45 亿新谢克尔），随后又为 2026 年和 2027 年追加拨款 6.663 亿美元（20 亿新谢克尔）。
YNet 的报道称，预算控制权已移交给该部总司长伊登·巴特尔，以及部长引入的外部顾问埃兰·沙约维奇。在皮罗的外国代理人申报文件中，沙约维奇被列为该公司接触的两名以色列官员之一。
美国公众舆论调查揭示了这些挫败感的来源。盖洛普在 2 月发现，美国人同情巴勒斯坦人的比例首次超过同情以色列人的比例，其中 36% 的人站在以色列一边。皮尤研究中心在 4 月记录到 60% 的美国人对以色列持负面看法，自 2022 年以来上升了近 20 个百分点，其中年轻人的变化最为剧烈。7 月 7 日发布的一项 AP-NORC 调查发现，31% 的美国人认为以色列在加沙的军事行动构成种族灭绝，在民主党人中这一比例升至 52%，58% 的民主党人认为美国对以色列的支持过度，而 2024 年 1 月这一比例为 45%。
克利夫兰-斯托特怀疑，任何公共外交手段都无法化解美国国内对以色列政策的反对情绪。“人们缺乏这样一种反思：恰恰是这些政策本身，导致许多美国人开始质疑自己对以色列的支持，”他说。“他们把政治问题当成了营销问题。”
他援引已故以色列政治家约西·萨里德的话。萨里德在2015年去世前一年曾在一次采访中开玩笑说：“‘哈斯巴拉’（以色列公共外交）永远是所有失败者的避难所。一切都进展顺利——只有‘哈斯巴拉’一团糟。要是‘哈斯巴拉’没问题，那所有人都会看清这理想局面。”
不过，这场宣传攻势是否在其自身层面奏效，与它是否对以色列真正有效，是两个不同的问题。“帕斯卡尔在影响聊天机器人方面取得了成功，汉诺威研究所在影响聊天机器人给出的回答方面也正在并将继续取得成功，”克利夫兰-斯托特说。“但他们并没有改变民调数据，而那才是以色列真正关心的。”
他更广泛的担忧在于，这一实验本身说明了什么。“无论是外国政府、企业，还是哪怕只是一个开冰淇淋店的人——对大语言模型的‘驯化’、‘投毒’，随便你怎么称呼，都是我们所处的新现实的一部分。”
尽管双方均未回应《卫报》的置评请求，但以色列外交部曾表示，该国并未在美国开展“影响行动”，并且“严格认真地遵守美国法律的规定”；皮罗公司的联合创始人丹尼尔·罗森伯格也表示，该公司受聘是为了“将准确、有据可查的事实纳入公共记录，并用可核实的信息驳斥有关以色列的虚假信息”。
一些超级富豪和企业媒体所有者急于讨好总统，他们的反应令人不寒而栗：CBS News 已被一位特朗普盟友接管；CNN 可能被同一位亿万富翁接管；杰夫·贝索斯继续在《华盛顿邮报》施加裁员和编辑干预；多家媒体机构则与政府达成数百万美元的和解协议，以保护自身商业利益。
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A crow perches on an Israeli flag near an empty beach along the Tel Aviv coastline in April 2026. Photograph: Ahmad Gharabli/AFP/Getty Images
A crow perches on an Israeli flag near an empty beach along the Tel Aviv coastline in April 2026. Photograph: Ahmad Gharabli/AFP/Getty Images
Fake US thinktank set up and funded by Israel sought to game AI for propaganda
In effort to prime chatbots to make pro-Israel arguments the site published 124 reports, over 560,000 words in nine days, Guardian analysis shows
A pro-Israel messaging website badged with the name of a thinktank that does not exist has published more than half a million words in nine days, built on a commercial platform that promises to optimize content so that AI chatbots will cite it.
The site gives Israel’s position on subjects including the torture of Palestinian prisoners, Israeli war crimes and whether Israel has deliberately starved Palestinians in Gaza, all presented as neutral research.
The New York media production company Piro Inc filed the site with the US justice department this month under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (Fara), a 1938 law that requires anyone working for a foreign government to formally disclose it,as material it distributes for the Israeli government.
The site publishes in the name of the Hanover Institute for Public Policy, which apparently does not exist as a legal entity in any jurisdiction, has no physical address, and carries no named staff and no bylines on any of its reports. Its own terms of use are governed by the laws of “the state in which the Institute is established”, which they decline to name.
The existence of the site was first reported on 14 August. Since then the institute has added a page headed funding, which states: “An earlier version of this page said the Institute operated without external funding, and that was true when it was written.”
The site is one part of a broader effort, financed by tens of millions of dollars from the Israeli government and routed through third parties including the European advertising group Havas Media, to prime chatbots to make Israel’s arguments for it. A contract between Havas and another American firm working on the campaign commits it to the “deployment of websites and content to deliver GPT framing results on GPT conversations”.
The Guardian contacted Piro Inc, Havas Media and the Israeli government advertising agency LaPam for comment. Comment was also sought via a contact email address published on the Hanover Institute website.
It comes at a point when Israel’s standing in US public opinion has collapsed, and when Israeli officials have begun briefing media outlets that money spent on so-called “Hasbara” efforts at public diplomacy overseas has been wasted.
The site
According to a Guardian analysis, between 6 and 14 August the Hanover Institute published 124 reports totaling more than 560,000 words, an average of about 4,500 words each. On 12 and 13 August alone it produced 73 reports, amounting to almost 354,000 words in two days. Nothing has been published since the first reports about the Hanover Institute.
All but one of the 124 headlines on the website opens with a question resembling one that a user might type into a chatbot, including “Is Anti-Zionism Antisemitism?”, “Did Israel Expel Palestinians From Their Land?”, “Is Israel Carrying Out a Genocide in Gaza?”
The reports are presented in a quasi-academic manner and are punctiliously sourced, with citations including the World Bank, UN agencies, the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, Amnesty International and the text of the Genocide Convention.
Nick Cleveland-Stout, a research associate at the Quincy Institute who has reported on the site, told the Guardian that his first impression was of something impressive. “It succeeds in masquerading as very academic – the website design, the logos, everything just looks good. But the more you read it, you’re able to realise that a lot of it makes no sense.”
For example, the information the Hanover Institute site presents is persistently framed to blunt criticism of Israel. Where human rights organisations have concluded that Israel is committing genocide or apartheid, the reports reliably observe that no court has entered a verdict on the claim – a formulation that appears in 20 of the 124 reports according to the Guardian’s count.
Casualty and aid figures are attributed to “a party to the events”, a caveat used in 55 reports and applied to Israel’s own counts as readily as to Palestinian ones. The reader is left with the impression that little about Gaza can be established.
One study – a 2022 analysis of antisemitic comments on the Facebook pages of British, French and German media outlets – is cited 454 times across 88 of the 124 reports, including in pages on apparently unrelated topics including land registration in the occupied territories, Aipac’s influence on US media coverage, the Gaza death toll, the 1948 expulsions and the blockade of Gaza.
Cleveland-Stout noted the cumulative effect of this inclusion. “Almost every article concludes with saying, well, just talking about this though could contribute to antisemitism,” he said. “And it’ll throw in the study about Facebook comments in Britain.”
Building for the machines
The Guardian’s analysis found that initially the site carried a kind of file that tells AI systems what a site contains and how to read it (an llms.txt file), but which did not describe the Hanover Institute at all. It was the standard file of Res, an “AI-native content platform that helps B2B [business-to-business] teams get cited by ChatGPT, Perplexity, Claude, and Gemini”, which sells what the industry calls generative engine optimization.
The Guardian archived the file on 13 August. It has since been replaced with a bespoke version written for machine readers, and Res is no longer named anywhere on the site.
Res’s founder, Hai Tran, registered with the US justice department on 22 July as a subcontractor to Piro on the Israeli account, giving his position as “digital strategist”. Tran told Politico that his role was disclosed in that filing.
The Guardian contacted Res for comment.
Piro’s own website advertises a service it calls AI Story Optimization, under which it will “author content engineered for how LLMs evaluate credibility”, with the work shipping “on your site or on trusted third-party properties we build”.
Cleveland-Stout said the more consequential target was not the possibility of users getting to the site with a live search,but the training data. “There’s kind of two ways to do it,” he said. The first is publishing sites and hoping chatbots cite them. The second, “the more concerning and potentially more effective thing”, is getting material into repositories such as Common Crawl that supply the underlying training data for commercial models.
“When it regurgitates narratives the chatbot is trained on, it won’t even cite the sources,” he said. “You won’t be able to fact-check it.”
The older network has already made that journey. The seven sites run by Clock Tower X – the firm run by former Trump campaign manager and digital director Brad Parscale – appeared 294 times in Common Crawl’s July index, the repository that supplies training data to commercial AI developers. The Hanover Institute does not appear yet, its reports having gone up after that crawl closed. It is at the start of the same pipeline.
Every page of the Hanover site carries a foreign-agent disclosure at its foot. Cleveland-Stout put that to Perplexity, which he said told him that users could visit the website and judge its trustworthiness for themselves. “But how many people are doing that?” he said.
The Guardian’s tests of chatbots at the time of reporting showed that scrutiny of the Hanover Institute’s output had already made a mark on chatbot content, however.
Asked for new research published by the Hanover Institute, ChatGPT’s webchatbot offered links to four reports, but also warned that the institute was subject to “significant controversy over who funds it and why it exists”, offering a gloss of and links to Quincy Institute’s reporting.
The chain
Piro is contracted for $1m across two work orders according to Fara filings, but this sum is dwarfed by the spending on the wider campaign it belongs to.
Both Piro and Clock Tower X are subcontractors to Havas Media Germany GmbH, a Frankfurt company held through Havas’s Spanish arm and ultimately by the Amsterdam-listed Havas NV.
Havas is named as the intermediary in the US foreign-agent registrations of five American firms: Clock Tower X, Piro, Targeted Communications Global, Bridges Partners and Davis Media NY. Justice department filings record it paying Clock Tower X $15m in six installments between 24 October 2025 and 3 March 2026, and Targeted Communications Global $9,892,335 between October and December 2025.
Seven days after the first of those payments, on 31 October 2025, Havas’s own US subsidiary terminated its registration as an agent of the Israeli government, according to filings. While it held that registration it was obliged to itemise what it received: its filing for the six months before 31 October 2023 records $2,951,745 from its German sister company on the Israeli account. Once the German entity began paying American contractors directly, Havas ceased to disclose anything, because a foreign principal has no filing obligation.
In effect, this meant that the broader campaign would not be immediately visible in the public record, only the piecemeal filings of individual contractors.
In Israel, procurement records show the government advertising agency LaPam awarding Havas entities contracts without competitive tender: $39m (€33.5m), $29m (€25m) and $17.5m (€15m) across 2019, and $58.3m (€50m) in March 2023 for the planning and purchase of media abroad. That contract expired on 15 March 2024. A search of LaPam’s published record to 5 August 2026, and of the tender register, found no further award to Havas – none covering the period in which Havas was paying $24.9m to American firms.
The money was not wholly confined to efforts to seed chatbots. Targeted Communications Global’s filings disclose a social media campaign called Freedom Not Terror, whose 30-second video, posted as unlisted on YouTube in October 2025, has been viewed 28.1m times. Its TikTok account has 425 followers. The campaign site carries the line “Paid for by LAPAM”. It has published nothing since December 2025.
The Guardian contacted Targeted Communications Global for comment.
The refuge of all failures
In Israel, officials have aired doubts about the campaign to sway US public opinion by gaming AI, and about public diplomacy in general. In July, Israeli officials briefed Ynet that it had failed, one saying the government “paid a lot of money, but the situation only got worse”.
A former senior figure in Israel’s public diplomacy apparatus told the same paper it was “a terrible hoax on the scale of Pollard” – a reference to Jonathan Pollard, the American analyst jailed for spying for Israel in 1987, an incident that marked a low point in the country’s relationship with Washington.
Speaking to Kan about Parscale, another official said: “He was supposed to improve the situation. We paid him a lot of money. But what did he do with it?” The foreign minister, Gideon Sa’ar, had allocated $181.6m (₪545m) to international public diplomacy on taking office, then a further $666.3m (₪2bn) for 2026 and 2027.
The YNet reporting said budget control had passed to the ministry’s director general, Eden Bartel, and to Eran Shayovitch, an external adviser brought in by the minister. Shayovitch is named on Piro’s foreign-agent filing as one of two Israeli officials with whom the firm engages.
US public opinion polling reveals the source of these frustrations. Gallup found in February that Americans sympathised more with Palestinians than with Israelis for the first time, with 36% siding with Israel. Pew recorded 60% of Americans holding an unfavourable view of Israel in April, up nearly 20 points since 2022, with the sharpest movement among the young. An AP-NORC survey published on 7 July found 31% of Americans say Israel’s military actions in Gaza constitute genocide, rising to 52% of Democrats, and 58% of Democrats saying the US is too supportive of Israel, against 45% in January 2024.
Cleveland-Stout doubted that any public diplomacy could overcome the opposition to Israeli policy. “There is a lack of reflection on the fact that the policies themselves are the ones that are leading to a lot of Americans questioning their support for Israel,” he said. “They view what is a political problem as a marketing one.”
He cited the late Israeli politician Yossi Sarid, who a year before his death in 2015 joked in an interview that “Hasbara is always the refuge of all failures. Everything is going great – only the hasbara is garbage. If only the hasbara was ok, then everyone would realize the ideal situation.”
Whether the campaign works on its own terms is a separate question from whether it works for Israel, though. “Parscale is having success in influencing chatbots, and the Hanover Institute is and will continue to have success at influencing the responses that chatbots give,” Cleveland-Stout said. “But they’re not changing the polls, which is what Israel actually cares about.”
His wider concern was what the experiment demonstrates. “Whether it’s foreign governments, whether it’s companies, whether it’s even just a guy who owns an ice cream shop – LLM grooming, poisoning, whatever you want to call it, is part of the new reality that we live in.”
Although neither responded to the Guardian, the Israeli foreign ministry has said the state does not conduct “influence operations” in the United States, and that it is “scrupulously careful to implement the provisions of American law”, and Piro’s co-founder Daniel Rosenberg has said the firm was retained “to put accurate, sourced facts into the public record and to counter misinformation about Israel with verifiable information”.
The response from some ultra-wealthy and corporate media owners, keen to appease the president, has been chilling: CBS News has been taken over by a Trump ally; CNN may be taken over by the same billionaire; Jeff Bezos has continued to impose cuts and editorial interventions at the Washington Post; and multiple outlets have settled multimillion-dollar lawsuits from the administration to protect their business interests.
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